The Frontier of Freedom

Vanity Fair

Let France and Her Allies Henceforth Maintain the Watch on the Rhine

J. B. W. GARDINER

FRANCE, said President Wilson before the French Senate, is the frontier of freedom. And it was well said. Indeed, had he cared to be a little more accurate he might have added that France has been the frontier of freedom since 1914 and will continue to remain so for the next century.

This is not a phrase merely. We would be both wrong and foolish to regard it as such. It is a stem reality, a serious fact which must continue to have the most serious consideration both here and at Versailles, particularly at Versailles.

It is our duty to guard this frontier, to make it impregnable, to outline in steel along every foot of the many miles of this frontier that battle cry of the defenders of Verdun, written in blood on every leaf and carved on every stone of the Meuse heights—"They shall not pass."

France stood on this frontier for over four years of frightful soul anguish. She saw her material wealth dwindle and disappear, her proud cities turned into shambles, her glorious cathedrals reduced to dust, the noblest and the best of her manhood sacrificed to the lust of a savage invader. But the store of her spiritual wealth—her glorious courage, her unconquerable spirit—never for a moment weakened.

France Held the Boche at Bay

THERE was no outcry, no protest even. France endured in silence, manned her guns and fought on. Not discouraged or dismayed through adversity, but with an undying belief in victory and in the righteousness of her cause, France stood her ground. Battles are not fought with guns alone. They are fought, as well, with the souls of men; and the soul of France, clean and certain of the right, gave its answer to the death-dealing engines of Germany's war machine. France was the frontier of freedom and she knew it. And the gratitude of all Americans must mingle with our sympathy for her, for the manner in which she defended that frontier.

But what of the future? England is an island power, made safe by a dominant fleet. As long as the British fleet is maintained at its present relative strength, Britain is safe from attack. And, between her and an army from the east stands first France, and then an easily defended though narrow body of water. America is three thousand miles from Europe, with the broad ocean between us and Eastern aggression. But again, too, France bars the way for us, just as she does in England's case.

France, however, is exposed to attack from any force that may elect again to strike her. It may be presumed, of course, that Alsace and Lorraine will be returned to her. Not even the Versailles conference, with all of its vagaries and its inclination to internationalize the world, dare do otherwise than restore to their mother country these deported and outraged children. This will better the situation somewhat through giving to France the Rhine for her eastern frontier, from the Swiss border to Strassburg; and for her northern frontier the little valley of the Saar River.

But, beyond this, the boundary will remain as it was in 1870. But what happened in 1870? The Germans masked Strassburg, and crossed the Rhine to the north; defeated the French at Worth; shut Marshal Bazaine up in Metz, forced his surrender; and captured MacMahon, his army and the Emperor himself at Sedan.

Where then was the frontier of freedom? It was a phrase and only a phrase because it lacked the means of defense. Shall we allow this situation to be recreated? Shall we lay France open to a repetition of 1870 with all of the misery which has followed it?

Germany mobilized west of the Rhine, and, basing their movement on Cologne, struck at Belgium along the Meuse. The Meuse is a wide stream at Liege, it is true. But the Belgian army was small and was soon overwhelmed. Except for the Meuse, the frontier was wide open and subject to attack. And the barriers of France were turned, outflanked, and the Germans marched almost unimpeded to the Marne. Do we want to risk a repetition of this?

It may be argued that there is but little danger of this; that Germany to-day is not the Germany of 1870, or of 1914. The people rule Germany and, with all arbitrary power destroyed, the people are to be trusted. Is a republic such a regenerating force that it can, in a few short months, completely change the moral fibre of a people? If these people had in them this germ of decency is it not remarkable that it did not develop before Germany was beaten ? But during the years of the war, there is no record of these people, made almost sacrosanct by our executive proclamation, having protested against the war or against Germany's method of waging it.

On the contrary, there is evidence to show that the people—knowing full well what was being done by their much lauded soldiers and generals—urged the military to continue the war with redoubled fury. No act was too horrible, no crime too repulsive to stir within them any other emotions than those of approval and applause.

Women urged the soldiers to kill the children of France lest they might become enemies of Germany in the future; they urged them to continue to pillage so that the volume of loot might be increased; children were taught to torment prisoners; these are but a few of the things which have been proven against the German people.

And there are those who would have us believe that through the beneficent influence of a republican form of government—which is not yet three months old—the leopard has changed his spots, these people have lost their barbarous instincts and have become humanized.

The Boche Is as Foul To-day as Ever

THE German people are exactly the same people as they were in June, 1918, when they were boasting of their military successes. The burden of proof is and must remain on them. We have no right to think them regenerated. Until we are certain that their change of heart is complete, that we have nothing to fear from them in the future, the frontier of freedom must be guarded against possible depredations.

Germany, moreover, is recovering from the war with remarkable rapidity. We must remember that her defeat was not a physical defeat at all. From every part of Germany, occupied by the allied forces, come the reports that Germany is better supplied with food than France is; that her people are not suffering material privations, that, mechanically, Germany is functioning well. They have had certain governmental trouble, but even, this was localized and has now passed. No, what she suffered was a defeat of spirit, a breakdown of morale. But this was not permanent. Each day finds her morale improving; and, as it improves, the tone of her leaders becomes more boastful; more arrogant. She neither acts, thinks, nor speaks like a defeated power. As a matter of fact, she may emerge from the war stronger than when she entered it. A moment's analysis will show why this is so.

Through the cession of Alsace Lorraine to France, and of German Poland to the new Poland, Germany will lose an unfriendly, undependable population of about 3,500,000. She will gain, through amalgamation with Teutonic Austria, an amalgamation which is already being made effective, a thoroughly German and completely loyal population of about 5,500,000. The doubtful policy, or, better, the total lack of policy, that we evidenced in dealing with Russia, has permitted Germany's Bolshevist allies to grow so amazingly that it is almost inevitable that they will form with Germany an alliance which will give Germany a great population to play with and such an abundance of raw materials that she will be prepared to wage war. If German ambitions should lead her again to attack western civilization, she could do so with greater force and with greater chances of success Than in 1914.

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UNTIL time permits us to pass rational judgment on the Germany of the future, until we know that the frontier of freedom is immune from attack, this frontier should be the strongest military barrier in Europe, and guarded as no frontier in Europe has ever been guarded before. Such a frontier is the Rhine River, not from the Swiss border to Strassburg only, but from the Swiss border to the border of Holland. This should certainly be the boundary between Germany and civilization and, in addition, the Allies should strongly fortify the western end of all the Rhine bridges and at the same time destroy all of the fortifications on the east bank. With this barrier before Germany, with the Allies holding strongly the western bank of the river, France would be secure against a surprise attack and the frontier of freedom would really be made secure.

THIS proposal, which has been seriously made by Marshal Foch, can be reasonably objected to on the ground that it would bring under French rule a population which is admittedly German. But there is no real reason why this strip of territory should not, for a period—say for fifty years—be held by the League of Nations pending Germany's good behavior. It should, of course, be administered for Germany's benefit, but administered by the Allies, free from German military forces, but garrisoned by the Allies. At the expiration of the allotted period, if the conditions under which it has been held have been fulfilled it can then be turned back to Germany intact.